MIM and the Rise of Muslim Identity Politics

MIM and the Rise of Muslim Identity Politics Akshay Shetty The 2014 Maharashtra Legislative Assembly elections were perhaps one of the most interesting electoral experiments in recent history. The 15 year old Congress-NCP alliance and the 25 year old Shiv Sena-BJP alliance came to an end and the four parties contested elections on their own. While the results of the elections didnt come as a surprise to any of the four parties, the success of one party has attracted massive media attention, albeit alarmist. Making its debut in Maharashtra, the Hyderabad based All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM) won 2 seats in the 288-member assembly, grabbing a 0.9% share of votes. Waris Pathan won the Byculla assembly seat by a narrow margin of 1,357 votes, beating rivals Madhu Chavan of the Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) and Geeta Gawli of the Akhil Bharatiya Sena (ABS). However, MIM sprung a major surprise in the Aurangabad Central seat, where its candidate, former NDTV journalist Imtiaz Jaleel defeated sitting Shiv Sena MLA Pradeep Jaiswal by 19,982 votes. It also lost three seats by a narrow margin and finished third in nine constituencies. Overall, MIM polled over 5.13 lakh votes, even though it fielded, in many cases, political novices. The party also cut into the traditional vote banks of the Congress, the NCP and managed to wrest control of some areas where the BJP was believed to be strong. Buoyed by the victory, MIM president Asaduddin Owasi is planning to expand the party base in the state. The MIM has decided to contest all municipal elections in the state, including the BMC election in 2017 and the Aurangabad municipal election in 2015. It already has 13 corporators in the Nanded-Waghala Municipal Corporation. Plans are also afoot to expand in Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and Karnataka. The MIM’s victory can be attributed to two main factors, the division of votes in other parties and the polarization of the Muslim votes. With the BJP led by Narendra Modi sweeping to victory after winning elections across India, the delicate balance between the country’s religious and ethnic minorities, and especially its Muslims, and the majority Hindu population is shifting. MIM fed off the growing feeling of political disempowerment among Muslims and the disenchantment with the Congress, a party which traditionally received the bulk of the Muslim vote. The vitriolic speeches of the Owaisi brothers, with fervent appeals to Allah and claims of Muslim victimhood contributed to the polarization. Clips of Akbaruddin Owaisi were widely circulated on WhatsApp, and the Muslim youth who are wary of the hysteria surrounding Narendra Modi were attracted to them (Lokhande, 2014). Thus the MIM’s victory is a combined result of Muslims being fed up of the token secularism of the Congress and the indifference and alienation by the BJP. India’s Muslims are at crossroads today. Before delving into the politics of the MIM, it is important to understand the state of India’s largest minority community. India’s Muslims Muslims make up about 14.4 percent of India’s total population. However, according to a 2013 report by the Pew Research Center, the country maintains â€Å"the world’s second-largest Muslim population in raw numbers (roughly 176 million).†Often referred to as â€Å"the lost children of India’s partition† (Gayer Jaffrelot, 2012), Muslims who chose to stay in India have struggled to keep pace with the majority community. The Sachar Commission report (2006), ordered by the then prime minister Dr. Manmohan Singh showed Muslims to be stuck at the bottom of almost every economic or social indicator. They were poorly represented in public sector jobs, school and university places politics. Low literacy levels and low fertility were other major findings. India’s Muslims tend to be excluded from 3 sites of power within the state machinery: the judiciary, the administration and the police. In 2002, they represented only 6.26% of the 479 High Court judges in India, 2.95% of the 5,018 Indian Administrative Service officers and 4.02% of the 3,236 IPS officers. By contrast, according to a report in the Times of India, nearly 20% of India’s prisoners were Muslims. Experts believe that this trend is not because Muslims commit more crimes. Rather, it’s a product of economic and social deprivation. With no money for litigation and for getting bail, they end up languishing in jails for years. There have been several instances of false cases slapped against Muslims, especially after terror attacks and riots. Closer home, the Mahmoodur Rahman Committee appointed in 2008 by the Maharashtra government revealed the shocking social, economic and educational condition of Muslims in the state. Maharashtra has witnessed the highest number of Hindu-Muslim riots post-Independence. This has led to ghettoisation which has further contributed to their neglect. About 45% of Muslim households have a per capita income of less than Rs. 500 a month. About 58 % of urban Muslims live in slums. Muslims constitute only 8.1% of the state’s farmers, 44.4% of rural Muslims work as agricultural labourers, compared to 36.1% of Hindus. Only 4.4 % of Maharashtra’s Muslims work in the government services. In 2012, there was not a single Muslim in the entire cadre of the Indian Administrative Services. The committee also found that in the urban areas, bus stops are located at a 1.3 km distance from Muslim areas. Fearing a backlash from the state’s Muslims and the media, the government never tabled the report in the Assembly, though it was submitted in 2013. The above statistics paint a grim picture. However, this doesn’t suggest that Muslims haven’t progressed in independent India. In addition to being appointed to a number of top positions, Muslims in India â€Å"enjoy complete political and religious liberty, a free legislative environment to undertake economic and educational initiatives, a vibrant television media and cinema that teach liberal coexistence, and access to a vast number of universities and institutes of modern education† (Ahmad, 2014). However, the benefits of a democratic, secular and pluralistic polity haven’t trickled to the vast majority of the country’s Muslims. One of the main reasons for this has been their poor representation in our elective bodies. Muslim representation With every election, the position of Muslims has deteriorated. Muslims representation in the 16th Lok Sabha hit an all-time low of 22. For the first time in the history of Lok Sabha, not a single Muslim got elected from Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populated and electorally decisive state. Maharashtra’s Muslims too have been affected by the growing communal schism generated during the 1990’s. The number of Muslim MLAs in the recently elected Maharashtra Legislative Assembly has dropped to an abysmal nine. The state’s five main political parties put up only 45 Muslim candidates in the election. Out of the nine MLAs, eight have been elected from Muslim-dominated constituencies. Votes polled by Muslim candidates have been steadily falling since 1990. In 2009, while a non-Muslim candidate polled an average of 13,766 votes, a Muslim candidate attracted only 4,453 votes. This is the reason why most parties refuse tickets to Muslim candidates. No political party dares to put up a Muslim candidate unless the constituency has a substantial Muslim population. Even the avowed secular parties continue to succumb to communal consideration in the selection of their candidates. While it is not necessary that Muslims should be represented only by their co-religionists, electorally ignoring an important group is not good for the health of a nation. Representation gives a community a sense of belonging. Further, representation of multiple identities is the essence of modern democracy. During the first five decades after independence, the vast majority of Indian Muslims saw in the Congress their natural protector, for its commitment to secularism. However after the demise of Jawaharlal Nehru, the pluralism of the Congress soon started changing. Muslims’ faith in the Congress started eroding with the escalation of anti-Muslim violence and the political, social and economic marginalization of the community, sometimes at the hands of the Congress itself (such as during the Emergency). The party started milking the community for electoral gains, by conceding religious and cultural space to the Deobandi Ulemas. Banning Salman Rushdie’s novel Satanic Verses, overturning the Shah Bano judgment were among several of the party’s tropes which contributed to the disenchantment of moderate Muslims from the Congress. Muslim Identity Politics Despite the love lost with the Congress and other ‘secular’ parties, Indian Muslims have generally been reluctant to form their own political parties. However, in the last decade or so, a number of Muslim dominated political parties have emerged in India. The Peace Party was founded in Uttar Pradesh in 2008 by Mohamed Ayub. It won four seats in the 2012 Assembly elections and expanded its base in a number of states. The Kerala-based Indian Union Muslim League enjoys considerable popularity in the state. Maulana Badruddin Ajmal formed the All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) in Assam after falling out with Congress leader Tarun Gogoi in Assam. It is now the main opposition party in the state. Other Muslim identity based parties include the Parcham Party, Rashtriya Ulama Council and Welfare Party. However, none of these parties could achieve any substantial success. The MIM and its history It is in this context that the rise of MIM in Maharashtra should be seen. The MIM was formally founded in 1927 â€Å"for educational and social uplift of Muslims†, however it first arose as a proto-Islamist movement to defend the Nizam’s autocracy through an armed militia called the Razakars. They unleashed brutal violence against Hindus, the communists and all those wished to merge Hyderabad with independent India. In 1948, the Indian government sent in the army to overpower the Razakars, an operation that left several thousands dead. Hyderabad was annexed to India and Kasim Rizvi, the Majlis leader was imprisoned and the organization banned. Rizvi was released about a decade later only on the condition that he would leave for Pakistan in 48 hours. Before leaving, Rizvi handed over the reins to Abdul Wahed Owaisi, the grandfather of Asaduduin Owaisi. Owaisi re-drafted the Majlis constitution in keeping with the provisions of the Indian Constitution and heralded a new age in the party’s history. Though MIM remained on the margins of Hyderabad’s politics for about fifteen years, the situation soon started changing in the 1970s. Under the new president Salahuddin Owaisi, the party made great inroads in the city. Votes polled by Majlis in the Hyderabad Lok Sabha seat rose from 58,000 in 1962 to over four lakhs in 1989. It also set up a number of educational institutions for Muslims in the city. Thus, a party that was a part of the Razakars has found acceptance in the very city that had celebrated its ouster. The mainstream media has reacted to MIM’s victory in Maharashtra with a sense of paranoia. There are fears that the party could accentuate communal differences in the state. Moderate Muslims accuse the MIM of milking the sufferings of Muslims, while not doing anything for the community’s development. Party MP Akbaruddin Owaisi is known for his vitriolic hate speeches instigating Muslims to stand up against Hindu violence. MIM’s politics represent a reactionary agenda that seeks to counter the violent communal politics of the right-wing Hindu parties. On the other hand, Muslims are also hopeful about the MIM as they feel it can better represent the community’s interests. MIM’s rise represents the failure of all ‘secular’ parties in checking atrocities against India’s minorities and preventing majoritarianism. Muslim youth who fail to see themselves as a part of the youth Narendra Modi keeps gloating about are attracted to the MIM and its aspirational politics which largely involves invoking a false pride of the â€Å"glorious history of Muslim rulers†. However, the same youth need to realize that the MIM has done nothing to defend the human rights of young Muslims who are falsely accused of being terrorists and who end up spending years in jails. MIM has never spoken out against radicals within the community; neither has it done anything to empower Muslim women. It wouldn’t be long before India’s Muslims see through the farce that the MIM represents and the process of disillusionment sets in. Problems with identity politics The deeply problematic nature of MIM’s politics still doesn’t justify the media’s sustained and critical coverage of its victory in Maharashtra. Identity politics is not a new phenomenon. India’s ruling party BJP has its roots in Hindu nationalism, the Akali Dal was formed to give a political voice to Sikh issues, the RPI and its more than 50 factions claim to represent Dalits. The UP-based Apna Dal enjoys a following among the Kurmi caste. The Shiv Sena and now the MNS have, from time to time, raised the bogie of the Marathi manoos for electoral gains. The media’s hypocrisy while reporting about these parties needs to be called out. Muslim identity politics is as dangerous as the identity politics of any other community. According to Irfan Engineer, director of the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, â€Å"Identity politics can be oppressive, hegemonic and exclusionary to strengthen hierarchies and hierarchical structures, to defend the privileges of the social, political and economic elite.† It is part of a larger trend of a greater assertiveness of identity in India. To counter this, it is important to strengthen the county’s secular and pluralistic ideals. Conclusion So what does that leave India’s Muslims with? They don’t need parties which essentialize their identity. Voting en bloc for hegemonic identity based parties isn’t going to yield any dividends. All they need is democratic representation of their interests. They need parties and candidates that stand for the values of equality, liberty and justice. MS Sathyu’s iconic film Garm Hava is perhaps the best film made on India’s partition. It shows Balraj Sahni’s family members leave for Pakistan, one after another, because of the increasing discrimination faced by them. In the end, Sahni and his son, Farooq Sheikh too decide to leave the country. On their way to the railway station, they come across a protest march by angry youth demanding jobs. Sheikh and, eventually, Sahni too join the march, thereby deciding to survive and succeed in his own homeland. An Urdu poem by Kaifi Azmi is heard in a voice-over as we see Sahni joining the protesters: â€Å"Jo door se toofan ka karte hain nazaara, unke liye toofan vahaan bhi hai yahan bhi, Dhaare mein jo mil jaaoge, ban jaaoge dhara, Ye vaqt ka elaan vahan bhi hai yahan bhi.† The scene is a poignant reminder for India’s Muslims that their future depends on engaging with politics of social justice and security rather than falling prey to leaders stoking their insecurities. Bibliography: Ahmad, T. (2014). Democracy and Indian Muslims. Daily Times. Retrieved 29 November 2014, from http://archives.dailytimes.com.pk/editorial/16-Mar-2013/comment-democracy-and-indian-muslims-tufail-ahmad Ananth, V., Gadgil, M. (2014). Religious polarization helps AIMIM debut in Maharashtra. Mint. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://www.livemint.com/Politics/FxsUExgM2i03mSOH6w3RmO/Religious-polarization-helps-AIMIM-debut-in-Maharashtra.html?utm_source=ref_article Ashraf, A. (2014). Hidden history of the Owaisis. Firstpost. Retrieved 28 November 2014, from http://www.firstpost.com/politics/hidden-history-owaisis-aimim-doesnt-want-know-1817267.html Bagri, N. (2014). Indian Muslims Lose Hope in National Secular Party. The New York Times. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://www.nytimes.com/2014/11/09/world/asia/indian-muslims-lose-hope-in-national-secular-party.html?_r=1 Engineer, I. (2014). Political Mobilisation of Muslims in India Changing Pattern. Secular Perspective, XVII (21). Gayer, L., Jaffrelot, C. (2012). Muslims in Indian cities. New Delhi: HarperCollins India. Ghosh, S. (1987). Muslim politics in India. New Delhi: Ashish Pub. House. Lokhande, D. (2014). Why we should be concerned about MIM victories in Maharashtra. DNA. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-why-we-should-be-concerned-about-mim-victories-in-maharashtra-2027543 Noorani, A. (2003). The Muslims of India. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Rahman, M. (2013). The Condition of Muslims in Maharashtra. Mumbai. Sachar, R. (2006). Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community of India. New Delhi. Shaikh, Z. (2014). Force behind MIM. The Indian Express. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/force-behind-mim/99/ Sharma, S. (2014). Behind the victory of a Muslim party in Maharashtra, the gamble of a journalist. Scroll. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://scroll.in/article/685327/Behind-the-victory-of-a-Muslim-party-in-Maharashtra,-the-gamble-of-a-journalist Shukla, A. (2014). Maharashtra polls: Opinions among Muslims on AIMIM pitch vary. DNA. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://www.dnaindia.com/mumbai/report-maharashtra-polls-opinions-among-muslims-on-aimim-pitch-vary-2018458 The Hindu : Holding them captive?. Retrieved 27 November 2014, from http://www.thehindu.com/thehindu/2003/04/27/stories/2003042700081500.htm Zakaria, R. (1995). The widening divide. New Delhi: New York, N.Y.

Facebook in Academic Institutions Essay

1. Summary. Whilst the majority of students have Facebook profiles, potential to support academic institutions was seen in its features. This paper provides a generalization of several case studies about the utilisation of Facebook in several universities. It offers an overview of the advantages, constraints and limitations of the suggested practices. The report shows that although Facebook implementation faced partial success, most of the respondents strongly believed that it should remain a forum only for social networking, not a platform for formal academic information. 2. Terms of reference. Social networking sites, especially Facebook, have gained wide popularity in the last few years. They provide a variety of options such as group setting, live chat and online discussion forum. This structure made it possible to expand and go beyond the boundaries of being tools utilised only for marketing and social interaction. Bearing in mind that their main users are individuals at the age of 18-24, they offer a good potential for academic and educational purposes. Owing to the growing interest to the topic, I have been commissioned by the Senior Management Group of the University to investigate whether academic institutions use them in order to interact with students. The purpose of this report is to find out evidence and outcomes of such implementation in the academic community. Although the collected results appear to be somehow contradictory, the dilemma whether Facebook can be both a social and academic forum seems to have a straightforward answer. 3. Procedure. To analyse the university strategies regarding social platforms, a review of library evidence and instances was conducted. In order to retrieve materials of high quality and authority, the search was conducted in Google Scholar and Library Catalogue Plus. Since much more research is done on the social aspects and privacy issues regarding Facebook, advanced searching was used in order to ignore the irrelevant information. Due to the recent nature of the topic, the scope of the articles and journals was limited to publications from the past five years, 2007-2012. The findings are overviews of case studies based on the practices in USA, Italy and South Africa with  prevailing number of undergraduates as main respondents. Because of the variety of social networking sites, the study is primarily focused on Facebook since it has its roots in the academic environment and in this way it is distinctive from the rest of its kind (Bosh 2009, p.191). 4. Findings. Academic institutions realised that Facebook is a pervasive element in every student’s life (Roodt et al. 2009, 16). Adopting this new approach of getting in touch with their target audiences was a challenging way to increase engagement. The literature review shows that the official presence of universities on Facebook has recently increased. Not only is the presence on Facebook important for attracting potential students, but it also provides advantages for enrolled ones. They already have the experience and the knowledge how to use it, which leads to easy incorporation for the purpose of distributing academic information (Bosh 2009, p.191). Apart from being a powerful marketing tool, Facebook is used as a mechanism for: * Online discussion on topics covered in lectures * Administrative and departmental arrangements * Module information 4.1 Online discussion forum. Overall, no empirical evidence was found about Facebook used as a sole platform for academic interaction. It was used as a complement to the existing learning management systems (LMS) – web sites, Blackboard, etc. The established Blackboards have proved to be successful tools for information retrieval. Most of them have a discussion forum, but it has rarely been used for communication (Hrastinski & Aghaee 2011, p.453). Case studies in a Comprehensive Disease Management course and at University of Cape Town reveal that the respondents seldom have a look at the discussion board. Due to its features allowing immediate responses, Facebook offers potential to overcome the lack of dialogue among students. However, there were opponents to this idea who strongly believed that the existing LMS was useful and were unwilling to have discussions in a separate forum (Wang et al. 2012, p.431). This was not an impediment since participation was optional. As a result, learners became more engaged since formulating thoughts online was easier and topics could be discussed more in depth (Cain & Policastri 2011,  p.7). Many students struggle to raise questions and participate actively during lectures and tutorials. Therefore, social platforms facilitate and promote the development of analytical skills allowing everyone to take part. The improved level of communication had impact on the classroom climate leading to higher motivation (Loving & Ochoa 2011, p.129). This transition from passive learner to active participant is beneficial (Selwyn 2009, p.158). It raises student motivation and engagement. Nevertheless, many like Bosh (2009) argue that it does not promote critical thinking since the so-called â€Å"Google generation† assumes social platforms primarily as a way of entertainment. Another drawback of online discussions is that responds are listed in a chronological order, not in threads, which makes it difficult to follow the logical links between comments (Wang et al. 2012, p.436). 4.2 Administrative and departmental arrangements. According to Malesky & Peters (2011), given the large number of students on social networks, multiple university departments and faculties use social platforms to disseminate information to learners. A large number of youngsters have permanent Internet connection on their smartphones and checks their profiles quite often. Therefore, Facebook is utilised for relaying last-minute information about schedules and venues because students are more likely to be on Facebook rather than to check their email (Selwyn 2009, p.163). Important issue to be taken into account here is the authority of the information. It will be assumed as reliable only if it is posted by a member of the academic staff. In addition, departmental pages are good way to get in touch with students, especially during holidays when the existing LMS is rarely visited (Bosh 2009, p. p.187). For example, at Northeastern University of Boston the initial skepticism of viewing course-related posts in a platform primarily used for social interaction faded away and at the end 57% of the respondents were convinced it was useful (DiVall & Kirwin 2012, p.4). Another important implication of faculty pages is that they create a virtual campus environment where all students can communicate and learn from each other (Bosh 2009, p.195). It is beneficial especially for current students who have the chance to talk and exchange experience with the alumni and graduates they will never meet. Maintaining good  student-faculty relationship through Facebook also reflects on student satisfaction about the quality of the service provided. However, time-constraints and costs of such implementation should be carefully considered before integration since the staff is already maintaining the other course management software (DiVall & Kirwin 2012, p.2). It is a powerful tool for small institutions which cannot afford to purchase a Blackboard (Wang et al. 2012, p.434), but its limitations such as safety and partial participation prevent it from being used as a main tool for information dissemination. 4.3 Information about modules. Module information was posted in a specially established Facebook groups. This format was chosen instead of a page because of the option to set up a closed community. It was perceived as controlled environment since the lecturer was the one who could add and remove members (Wang et al. 2012, p.436). Generally, feedback about this practice was positive. Apart from communication about assignments, research findings and current affairs, the group wall was a suitable platform for resource and materials sharing – videos, photos, links to external articles were uploaded which were useful for those willing to extend their knowledge beyond the lecture material (Estus 2010, p.3). However, it was not considered as a complete success due to the inability to support resources in other formats (Wang et al. 2012, p.434). To overcome this problem, additional applications such as Google Docs were used in order to extend Facebook capabilities. Despite this, lectures preferred the traditional Blackboard due to the ease of use. Another advantage of this practice was the positive impact on student-lecturer communication. The virtual office hours allowed learners to contact tutors and lecturers in a less pressured environment (Bosh 2009, p.195). This is important for the better understanding of the matter since learners felt more comfortable to raise their questions on the platform. In addition, lectures’ profiles could enhance their credibility because students see the similarities between the lecturer and themselves (Wang et al. 2012, p.437). Taking into account that it is a dual-side communication process, the other party (students) revealed that they did not want to be contacted by tutors because it is a social forum for getting in touch with peers and they try to separate social life from education (Madge et al.  2009, 150). Friendship with lecturers was possible but it seldom happened because students were cautious that this could affect their ability to be objective (Malesky & Peters 2012, p.138). Further weaknesses of Facebook here were the inability to support grade notification, assignment uploading and online testing (Loving & Ochoa 2011, p.129). 5. Conclusion and recommendation. Although literature provides not enough empirical evidence, it is clear that students prefer to keep the divide between their social and academic space. Facebook has suitable affordances, which allow its utilisation as an educational platform as well. Successful practices were found where it has been used as supplement to the existing learning management system for resource sharing and module and academic information dissemination. However, further research has to be done to investigate the links and synergies between both in order to find the best way they could successfully work together. When it comes to the implementation of Facebook practices in a particular university, it should be carefully considered whether weaknesses are outweighted by potential advantages. Since the literature review shows that Facebook brings a little contribution to the functions of the existing Blackboard, Loughborough University should not invest time and efforts into setting up pages and groups. It is perceived as an intrusive invasion into a place students feel as â€Å"theirs† (Loving & Ochoa 2011, p.124). LEARN and student emails already successfully execute the functions Facebook could be used for. Lectures, tutors and academic staff could be contacted at any time and the discussion forum is well-developed. Therefore, a possible integration of Facebook is not worth efforts. Even though it has a potential, it should remain a place for social interaction and not for formal university practices. 6. Word count. The report contains 1504 words. 7. References. Bosch, T., 2009. Using online social networking for teaching and learning: Facebook use at the University of Cape Town. South African Journal for Communication Theory and Research[online], 35(2), 185-200. , [accessed 21.05.12]. Cain, J. & Policastri, A., 2011. Using Facebook as an informal learning environment. American Journal of Pharmaceutical Edducation[online], 75(10), 1-8. , [accessed 18.05.12]. DiVall, M. & Kirwin, J., 2012. Using Facebook to facilitate course-related discussion between students. American Journal of Pharmaceutical Edducation[online], 76(2), 1-5. , [accessed 18.05.12]. Estus, E., 2010. Using Facebook within a Geriatric Pharmacotherapy Course. American Journal of Pharmaceutical Edducation[online], 74(8), 1-5. , [accessed 21.05.12] Hrastinski, S. & Aghaee, N., 2011. How are campus students using social media to support their studies?. Education and Information Technologies[online], 17(4), 451-464. , [accessed 20.05.12]. Loving, M. & Ochoa, M., 2011. Facebook as a classroom management solution. New Library World[online], 113(3), 121-130. , [accessed 20.05.12]. Madge, C. et al., 2009. Facebook, social integration and informal learning at university: â€Å"It is more for socializing and talking to friends about work than for actually doing work†. Learning, Media and Technology[online], 34(2), 141-155. , [accessed 20.05.12]. Malesky, L. & Peters, C., 2011. Defining appropriate professional behavior for faculty and university students on social networking websites. Higher Education[online], 63(1), 131-151. , [accessed 21.05.12]. Mazman, S. & Usluel,Y., 2010. Modeling educational usage of Facebook. Computers & Education[online], 55(2), 444-453. , [accessed 18.05.2012]. Roodt, S., Cloete, S. & De Villiers, C., 2009. Facebook as an academic tool for ICT lecturers. Annual conference of Southern African Computer Lecturers’ Association[online], 29 June-1 July. Eastern Cape: SACLA, 16-22. , [accessed 22.05.12]. Selwyn, N., 2009. Faceworking: exploring students’ education†related use of Facebook. Learning, Media and Technology[online], 34(2), 157-174.< http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17439880902923622>, [accessed 21.05.12]. Wang, Q. et al., 2012. Using the Facebook group as a learning management system: an exploratory study. British Journal of Educational Technology [online], 43(3), 428–438. , [accessed 19.05.12]. Appendix 1Search strategy Existing literature about Facebook is focused more on social networking and privacy issues. Since the study needed more education-oriented materials, the initial search in Google and Wikipedia was not useful enough because it led to more general results. The main information retrieval tools used during the investigation were Google Scholar, Library Catalogue Plus and some additional databases found through the Select Database option. In order to avoid a large amount of inappropriate materials, only databases from the â€Å"Education† category were selected. The most useful of them was ScienceDirect. In addition to the materials which exactly fitted the search criteria, a number of related articles was suggested, which was very helpful. In all of the information retrieval tools advanced searching strategies were applied in order to narrow the results and sift out the most relevant ones.

Instances of Free Will in Antigone by Sophocles Essay

? Free will is a gift given to man to remain in control of their lives; our fate and destiny are determined by our free will and the decisions we make. In the play Antigone, written by Sophocles Antigone demonstrates her free will when she decides to bury her brother, directly defying Creon’s law. As a result of this defiance her fate was suicide. The choice she made functions as a exercise of free will because she considered the consequences and defied Creon anyway, that defiance sealed her fate. Antigone clearly controlled her fate through free will. However this is not always the case in A day in the life of Ivan Denisovich written by Alexandr Solzhenistyn, Ivan has little to no free will because he does not make his own choices, his fate is controlled by others. Free will is a term used to describe a course of action you would take among various alternatives. Philosophers argue that the concept of free will is closely connected to the concept of moral responsibility. Acting with free will is to satisfy the requirements of being responsible for one’s actions. Antigone bury’s her brother Polyneices because she believes it is her Moral duty to do so, as he is her brother and everyone deserves a proper burial. Antigone’s free will is to act upon this moral responsibility in which she feels she is obligated to do. Our fate is not determined by us but a much more powerful force. Fate â€Å"is an inevitable and often adverse outcome, condition, or end. † According to the Webster dictionary. In the book A day in the life of Ivan Denisovich Ivan’s fate is inevitable, he is no longer in control of his life after being sentenced to 10 years in the Soviet Gulag system. In the camp Ivan is forced to live under very strict rule and if he disobeys the regulations he can be killed. Clearly Ivan has no control over his life and is forced to live a certain way in order to stay alive. Antigony goes against Creon’s law that forbade anyone to bury polyneices, her brother. Breaking of Creon’s law will result in death. Knowing the consequences Antigone bury’s her brother regardless, having guard over his body. Antigone was caught burying Polyneices and brought to Creon where she faced death. Antigone made the decision to bury her brother. This act was not forced upon her by anyone but her own morals. She determined her fate through free will. Though she knew the consequences she made the decision that she did which sealed her fate, because she knew she would die if she buried her brother. Antigone would rather die than not let her brother be buried. â€Å"And if I have to die for this pure crime,/ I am content, for I shall rest beside him;/ His love will answer mine† (lines 72-74). This quote demonstrates how Antigone makes the decision that she does knowing she will die. She is content with the idea of dying if it means her brother will get a proper burial. Antigone is pursuing her fate by burying her brother. Antigone is not looking at it as death she has a different approach to things than others, for example her sister. This approach makes her fearless, she does not see dying necessarily as a bad thing but simply the price she will pay for burying her brother. This fearlessness in her makes it so she can confidently make the decision that she does, excepting the fact that it will result to her death. Not only does Antigone decide her fate by burying her brother but she also chooses when and how she dies. Creon had planned to kill her anyway, but with her own free will she pursues her death in the fashion that she so chooses. Antigone hangs herself with the red and gold cord of her robe. Her decision to do this is her own free will. Antigone could have ignored this option and let her fate control how she dies, by either being stoned, or perhaps Creon deciding to set her free. We will never know what Antigone’s fate would have been if she did not kill herself, she deprived us of what could have happened by making her own rash decision. Antigone believes she has the right to live the way she wants, she is controlling her fate by deciding how she dies. A contrasting example comes from the book A day in the life of Ivan Denisovich. The main character Ivan does not have free will. Ivan was charged with being a German spy and therefore sentenced to 10 years in the Gulag. Ivan knows he is not a German spy, however he has no control over his sentencing and is forced to serve the 10 years. Ivan no longer controls how he lives, he lives by a strict life style created by the guards of the camp. â€Å"In camp the squad leader is everything: a good one will give you a second life; a bad one will put you in your coffin. † (pg. 36) This quote illustrates how much Ivan and other prisoners lives are determined for them. He says that your squad leader determines weather or not you live. In these camps life were cruel not only because of harsh conditions but the fact that others determined your fate, whether you lived or died. Theses prisoners have very little control over their own life, they no longer worry about simple decisions, the concerns of the prisoners is who will be the one to decide their fate. Even though, the prisoners destiny is pre-determined based upon the harsh circumstances they are forced to live by, they can still make small unnoticeable decisions to maintain sanity in their life. These small choices they make are their free will. For instance, Ivan takes his hat off every time he eats a meal despite the fact that it is below freezing. Ivan has always removes his hat before eating long before he was sentenced to the Gulag, he feels he must continue this tradition as a sign of respect. Ivan is making this small decision on his own in a place that is filled with decisions that are made for you. Ivan wants to keep the little dignity he has left and by doing so he takes off his hat when he eats. This represents that no matter how confined a human is they will still find ways to pursue their own lifestyle. Ivan find this morally just to take off his hat when he eats, he is making that decision based off of free will. Because he makes this decision it greatly affects Ivan’s attitude towards things, because this small tradtion shows he has taken a piece of his ordinary life and continued that practice in somewhere as horrible as the Gulag. Ivan’s free will is to be able to take his hat off when eating. Finally, this essay shows how in the play Antigone and the book A day in the life of Ivan Denisovich, both of the main characters in these two pieces of literature find ways to control their fate. In Antigones case she bury’s her brother, for she believes that it is her moral responsibility. Ivan takes control over his free will by taking off his hat when he eats. Antigone’s fate is determined by her free will to defy Creon. Ivan is not in control of his own fate, therefore he must find small ways to remain in control as much as possible of his life.

Medical Ethics And Ethics Of Biotechnology Essay - 2394 Words

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